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The Texas Ordinance of Secession (February 2, 1861)
A declaration of the causes which impel the State of Texas to secede from the Federal Union
The government of the United States, by certain joint resolutions, bearing date the 1st day of March, in the year A. D.
1845, proposed to the Republic of Texas, then a free, sovereign and independent nation, the annexation of the latter to the
former, as one of the co-equal States thereof,
The people of Texas, by deputies in convention assembled, on the fourth day of July of the same year, assented to and accepted
said proposals and formed a constitution for the proposed State, upon which on the 29th day of December in the same year,
said State was formally admitted into the Confederated Union.
Texas abandoned her separate national existence and consented to become one of the Confederated States to promote her welfare,
insure domestic tranquillity and secure more substantially the blessings of peace and liberty to her people. She was received
into the confederacy with her own constitution under the guarantee of the federal constitution and the compact of annexation,
that she should enjoy these blessings. She was received as a commonwealth holding, maintaining and protecting the institution
known as negro slavery--the servitude of the African to the white race within her limits--a relation that had existed from
the first settlement of her wilderness by the white race, and which her people intended should exist in all future time. Her
institutions and geographical position established the strongest ties between her and other slave-holding States of the confederacy.
Those ties have been strengthened by association. But what has been the course of the government of the United States, and
of the people and authorities of the non-slave-holding States, since our connection with them?
The controlling majority of the Federal Government, under various pretenses and disguises, has so administered the same
as to exclude the citizens of the Southern States, unless under odious and unconstitutional restrictions, from all the immense
territory owned in common by all the States on the Pacific Ocean, for the avowed purpose of acquiring sufficient power in
the common government to use it as a means of destroying the institutions of Texas and her sister slave-holding States.
By the disloyalty of the Northern States and their citizens and the imbecility of the Federal Government, infamous combinations
of incendiaries and outlaws have been permitted in those States and the common territory of Kansas to trample upon the federal
laws, to war upon the lives and property of Southern citizens in that territory, and finally, by violence and mob law to usurp
the possession of the same as exclusively the property of the Northern States.
The Federal Government, while but partially under the control of these our unnatural and sectional enemies, has for years
almost entirely failed to protect the lives and property of the people of Texas against the Indian savages on our border,
and more recently against the murderous forays of banditti from the neighboring territory of Mexico; and when our State government
has expended large amounts for such purpose, the Federal Government has refused reimbursement therefor, thus rendering our
condition more insecure and harassing than it was during the existence of the Republic of Texas.
These and other wrongs we have patiently borne in the vain hope that a returning sense of justice and humanity would induce
a different course of administration.
When we advert to the course of individual non-slave-holding States, and that a majority of their citizens, our grievances
assume far greater magnitude.
The States of Maine, Vermont, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Wisconsin,
Michigan and Iowa, by solemn legislative enactments, have deliberately, directly or indirectly violated the 3rd clause of
the 2nd section of the 4th article of the federal constitution, and laws passed in pursuance thereof; thereby annulling a
material provision of the compact, designed by its framers to perpetuate amity between the members of the confederacy and
to secure the rights of the slave-holding States in their domestic institutions--a provision founded in justice and wisdom,
and without the enforcement of which the compact fails to accomplish the object of its creation. Some of those States have
imposed high fines and degrading penalties upon any of their citizens or officers who may carry out in good faith that provision
of the compact, or the federal laws enacted in accordance therewith.
In all the non-slave-holding States, in violation of that good faith and comity which should exist between entirely distinct
nations, the people have formed themselves into a great sectional party, now strong enough in numbers to control the affairs
of each of those States, based upon the unnatural feeling of hostility to these Southern States and their beneficent and patriarchal
system of African slavery, proclaiming the debasing doctrine of the equality of all men, irrespective of race or color--a
doctrine at war with nature, in opposition to the experience of mankind, and in violation of the plainest revelations of the
Divine Law. They demand the abolition of negro slavery throughout the confederacy, the recognition of political equality between
the white and the negro races, and avow their determination to press on their crusade against us, so long as a negro slave
remains in these States.
For years past this abolition organization has been actively sowing the seeds of discord through the Union, and has rendered
the federal congress the arena for spreading firebrands and hatred between the slave-holding and non-slave-holding States.
By consolidating their strength, they hare placed the slave-holding States in a hopeless minority in the federal congress,
and rendered representation of no avail in protecting Southern rights against their exactions and encroachments.
They have proclaimed, and at the ballot box sustained, the revolutionary doctrine that there is a "higher law" than the
constitution and laws of our Federal Union, and virtually that they will disregard their oaths and trample upon our rights.
They have for years past encouraged and sustained lawless organizations to steal our slaves and prevent their recapture,
and have repeatedly murdered Southern citizens while lawfully seeking their rendition.
They have invaded Southern soil and murdered unoffending citizens, and through the press their leading men and a fanatical
pulpit have bestowed praise upon the actors and assassins in these crimes, while the governors of several of their States
have refused to deliver parties implicated and indicted for participation in such offences, upon the legal demands of the
States aggrieved.
They have, through the mails and hired emissaries, sent seditious pamphlets and papers among us to stir up servile insurrection
and bring blood and carnage to our firesides.
They have sent hired emissaries among us to burn our towns and distribute arms and poison to our slaves for the same purpose.
They have impoverished the slave-holding States by unequal and partial legislation, thereby enriching themselves by draining
our substance.
They have refused to vote appropriations for protecting Texas against ruthless savages, for the sole reason that she is
a slave-holding State.
And, finally, by the combined sectional vote of the seventeen non-slave-holding States, they have elected as president
and vice-president of the whole confederacy two men whose chief claims to such high positions are their approval of these
long continued wrongs, and their pledges to continue them to the final consummation of these schemes for the ruin of the slave-holding
States.
In view of these and many other facts, it is meet that our own views should be distinctly proclaimed.
We hold as undeniable truths that the governments of the various States, and of the confederacy itself, were established
exclusively by the white race, for themselves and their posterity; that the African race had no agency in their establishment;
that they were rightfully held and regarded as an inferior and dependent race, and in that condition only could their existence
in this country be rendered beneficial or tolerable.
That in this free government all white men are and of right ought to be entitled to equal civil and political rights; that
the servitude of the African race, as existing in these States, is mutually beneficial to both bond and free, and is abundantly
authorized and justified by the experience of mankind, and the revealed will of the Almighty Creator, as recognized by all
Christian nations; while the destruction of the existing relations between the two races, as advocated by our sectional enemies,
would bring inevitable calamities upon both and desolation upon the fifteen slave-holding States. By the secession of six
of the slave-holding States, and the certainty that others will speedily do likewise, Texas has no alternative but to remain
in an isolated connection with the North, or unite her destinies with the South.
For these and other reasons, solemnly asserting that the federal constitution has been violated and virtually abrogated
by the several States named, seeing that the federal government is now passing under the control of our enemies to be diverted
from the exalted objects of its creation to those of oppression and wrong, and realizing that our own State can no longer
look for protection, but to God and her own sons - We the delegates of the people of Texas, in Convention assembled, have
passed an ordinance dissolving all political connection with the government of the United States of America and the people
thereof and confidently appeal to the intelligence and patriotism of the freeman of Texas to ratify the same at the ballot
box, on the 23rd day of the present month.
Adopted in Convention on the 2nd day of Feby, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one and of the
independence of Texas the twenty-fifth.
A declaration of the causes which impel the State of Texas to secede from the Federal Union
The government of the United States, by certain joint resolutions, bearing date the 1st day of March, in the year A. D.
1845, proposed to the Republic of Texas, then a free, sovereign and independent nation, the annexation of the latter to the
former, as one of the co-equal States thereof,
The people of Texas, by deputies in convention assembled, on the fourth day of July of the same year, assented to and accepted
said proposals and formed a constitution for the proposed State, upon which on the 29th day of December in the same year,
said State was formally admitted into the Confederated Union.
Texas abandoned her separate national existence and consented to become one of the Confederated States to promote her welfare,
insure domestic tranquillity and secure more substantially the blessings of peace and liberty to her people. She was received
into the confederacy with her own constitution under the guarantee of the federal constitution and the compact of annexation,
that she should enjoy these blessings. She was received as a commonwealth holding, maintaining and protecting the institution
known as negro slavery--the servitude of the African to the white race within her limits--a relation that had existed from
the first settlement of her wilderness by the white race, and which her people intended should exist in all future time. Her
institutions and geographical position established the strongest ties between her and other slave-holding States of the confederacy.
Those ties have been strengthened by association. But what has been the course of the government of the United States, and
of the people and authorities of the non-slave-holding States, since our connection with them?
The controlling majority of the Federal Government, under various pretenses and disguises, has so administered the same
as to exclude the citizens of the Southern States, unless under odious and unconstitutional restrictions, from all the immense
territory owned in common by all the States on the Pacific Ocean, for the avowed purpose of acquiring sufficient power in
the common government to use it as a means of destroying the institutions of Texas and her sister slave-holding States.
By the disloyalty of the Northern States and their citizens and the imbecility of the Federal Government, infamous combinations
of incendiaries and outlaws have been permitted in those States and the common territory of Kansas to trample upon the federal
laws, to war upon the lives and property of Southern citizens in that territory, and finally, by violence and mob law to usurp
the possession of the same as exclusively the property of the Northern States.
The Federal Government, while but partially under the control of these our unnatural and sectional enemies, has for years
almost entirely failed to protect the lives and property of the people of Texas against the Indian savages on our border,
and more recently against the murderous forays of banditti from the neighboring territory of Mexico; and when our State government
has expended large amounts for such purpose, the Federal Government has refused reimbursement therefor, thus rendering our
condition more insecure and harassing than it was during the existence of the Republic of Texas.
These and other wrongs we have patiently borne in the vain hope that a returning sense of justice and humanity would induce
a different course of administration.
When we advert to the course of individual non-slave-holding States, and that a majority of their citizens, our grievances
assume far greater magnitude.
The States of Maine, Vermont, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Wisconsin,
Michigan and Iowa, by solemn legislative enactments, have deliberately, directly or indirectly violated the 3rd clause of
the 2nd section of the 4th article of the federal constitution, and laws passed in pursuance thereof; thereby annulling a
material provision of the compact, designed by its framers to perpetuate amity between the members of the confederacy and
to secure the rights of the slave-holding States in their domestic institutions--a provision founded in justice and wisdom,
and without the enforcement of which the compact fails to accomplish the object of its creation. Some of those States have
imposed high fines and degrading penalties upon any of their citizens or officers who may carry out in good faith that provision
of the compact, or the federal laws enacted in accordance therewith.
In all the non-slave-holding States, in violation of that good faith and comity which should exist between entirely distinct
nations, the people have formed themselves into a great sectional party, now strong enough in numbers to control the affairs
of each of those States, based upon the unnatural feeling of hostility to these Southern States and their beneficent and patriarchal
system of African slavery, proclaiming the debasing doctrine of the equality of all men, irrespective of race or color--a
doctrine at war with nature, in opposition to the experience of mankind, and in violation of the plainest revelations of the
Divine Law. They demand the abolition of negro slavery throughout the confederacy, the recognition of political equality between
the white and the negro races, and avow their determination to press on their crusade against us, so long as a negro slave
remains in these States.
For years past this abolition organization has been actively sowing the seeds of discord through the Union, and has rendered
the federal congress the arena for spreading firebrands and hatred between the slave-holding and non-slave-holding States.
By consolidating their strength, they hare placed the slave-holding States in a hopeless minority in the federal congress,
and rendered representation of no avail in protecting Southern rights against their exactions and encroachments.
They have proclaimed, and at the ballot box sustained, the revolutionary doctrine that there is a "higher law" than the
constitution and laws of our Federal Union, and virtually that they will disregard their oaths and trample upon our rights.
They have for years past encouraged and sustained lawless organizations to steal our slaves and prevent their recapture,
and have repeatedly murdered Southern citizens while lawfully seeking their rendition.
They have invaded Southern soil and murdered unoffending citizens, and through the press their leading men and a fanatical
pulpit have bestowed praise upon the actors and assassins in these crimes, while the governors of several of their States
have refused to deliver parties implicated and indicted for participation in such offences, upon the legal demands of the
States aggrieved.
They have, through the mails and hired emissaries, sent seditious pamphlets and papers among us to stir up servile insurrection
and bring blood and carnage to our firesides.
They have sent hired emissaries among us to burn our towns and distribute arms and poison to our slaves for the same purpose.
They have impoverished the slave-holding States by unequal and partial legislation, thereby enriching themselves by draining
our substance.
They have refused to vote appropriations for protecting Texas against ruthless savages, for the sole reason that she is
a slave-holding State.
And, finally, by the combined sectional vote of the seventeen non-slave-holding States, they have elected as president
and vice-president of the whole confederacy two men whose chief claims to such high positions are their approval of these
long continued wrongs, and their pledges to continue them to the final consummation of these schemes for the ruin of the slave-holding
States.
In view of these and many other facts, it is meet that our own views should be distinctly proclaimed.
We hold as undeniable truths that the governments of the various States, and of the confederacy itself, were established
exclusively by the white race, for themselves and their posterity; that the African race had no agency in their establishment;
that they were rightfully held and regarded as an inferior and dependent race, and in that condition only could their existence
in this country be rendered beneficial or tolerable.
That in this free government all white men are and of right ought to be entitled to equal civil and political rights; that
the servitude of the African race, as existing in these States, is mutually beneficial to both bond and free, and is abundantly
authorized and justified by the experience of mankind, and the revealed will of the Almighty Creator, as recognized by all
Christian nations; while the destruction of the existing relations between the two races, as advocated by our sectional enemies,
would bring inevitable calamities upon both and desolation upon the fifteen slave-holding States. By the secession of six
of the slave-holding States, and the certainty that others will speedily do likewise, Texas has no alternative but to remain
in an isolated connection with the North, or unite her destinies with the South.
For these and other reasons, solemnly asserting that the federal constitution has been violated and virtually abrogated
by the several States named, seeing that the federal government is now passing under the control of our enemies to be diverted
from the exalted objects of its creation to those of oppression and wrong, and realizing that our own State can no longer
look for protection, but to God and her own sons - We the delegates of the people of Texas, in Convention assembled, have
passed an ordinance dissolving all political connection with the government of the United States of America and the people
thereof and confidently appeal to the intelligence and patriotism of the freeman of Texas to ratify the same at the ballot
box, on the 23rd day of the present month.
Adopted in Convention on the 2nd day of Feby, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one and of the
independence of Texas the twenty-fifth.
Column 1 O. M. Roberts, Presdt. Edwin Waller L. A. Abercrombie W. S. J. Adams W. A. Allen James M. Anderson of Cherokee T. S. Anderson James
R. Armstrong Rich. L. Askew Wm. C. Batte S. W. Beasley John Box Jas. M. Burroughs John I. Burton S. E.
Black W. T. Blythe Amzi Bradshaw Robert Weakley Brahan A. S. Broaddus Jno. Henry Brown Robert C. Campbell Lewis F. Casey Wm. Chambers T. J. Chambers-- Chairman of the Committee on Federal Relations John
Green Chambers N. B. Charlton George W. Chilton Isham Chisum William Clark, Jr. J. A. Clayton J. A. Chambers
of Red River Eli H. Baxter, Jr.
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Column 2 Charles Leander Cleveland A. G. Clopton Richd Coke James E. Cook Jon W. Dancy Thos. G. Davenport A. H. Davidson C. Deen Thos. J. Devine Jas. J. Diamond Wm.
W. Diamond Jno. Donelson Joseph H. Dunham H. H. Edwards Elbert Early Jno. N. Fall Drury Field John H.
Feeney George Flournoy Spencer Ford John S. Ford Thomas C. Frost Amos P. Gallaway Charles Ganahl Robert S. Gould Robert Graham Malcom D. Graham Peter
W. Gray Jno. A. Green John Gregg M. J. Hall William Nash
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Column 3 Wm. P. Hardeman John R. Hayes Philemon T. Herbert A. W. O. Hicks Thos. B. J. Hill Alfred M. Hobby Jos. L. Hogg J. J.
Holt James Hooker Edward R. Hord Russell Howard A. Clark Hoyl Thos. P. Hughes J. W. Hutcheson Jno. Ireland Thos.
J. Jennings F. Jones William C. Kelly Th. Koester C.M. Lesueur F. W. Latham Pryor Lea James S. Lester John
Littleton M. F. Locke Oliver Loftin Thos. Sallus Lubbock P. N. Luckett Henry A. Maltby W. A. Montgomery J.
L. L. McCall
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Column 4 Jesse Marshall James M. Maxey Wm. McCraven Thomas
M. McCraw Wm. McIntosh Gilchrist McKay Wm. Goodloe Miller Albert N. Mills Thomas Moore Thos. C. Moore Charles
de Montel B. F. Moss John Muller Thos. J. Nash A. Nauendorf T. C. Neel Allison Nelson James F. Newsom W.
M. Neyland E. B. Nichols E. P. Nicholson A. G. Nicholson James M. Norris Alfred T. Obenchain W. B. Ochiltree W.
S. Oldham R. J. Palmer W. M. Payne W. K. Payne Jas. W. Henderson John R. Henry James M. Harrison
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Column 5 William M. Peck W. R. Poag Alexander Pope David
Y. Portis D. M. Prendergast Walter F. Preston F. P. Price A. T. Rainey Hohn H. Reagan C. Rector P. G.
Rhome E. Sterling C. Robertson John C. Robertson (of Smith) J. B. Robertson of Indepen. William Peleg Rogers James
Harrison Rogers Edward M. Ross Jno. Rugeley H. R. Runnels E. B. Scarborough William T. Scott William Read
Scurry James E. Shepard Sam S. Smith Gideon Smith John D. Stell Jno G. Stuart of Anderson Charles Stewart
of Falls Noah Cox Chas. A. Russell T. J. Wood
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Column 6 William H. Stewart of Gonz. F. S. Stockdale of Calhoun B.
F. Terry of Fort Bend Nathl Terry, Tarrant Co. E. Thomason James G. Thompson W. S. Todd Jas. Walworth R.
H. Ward William Warren Jas. C. Watkins Jno. A. Wharton Joseph P. Wier Jno. A. Wilcox A. P. Wiley of Walker Ben
Williams of Lavaca Jason Wilson Philip A. Work Henry Newton Burditt P. Taylor Edward Dougherty D. M. Stapp Geo
H. Bagby W. Hunt Tignal W. Jones W. A. Mattox Sam A. Willson |
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